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    Download the Book:Alberto Vargas – Pin Ups PDF For Free, Preface: Pin-Ups by Alberto Vargas is a selective collection of drawings by the famous Pin U. [PDF] Gil Elvgren: The Complete Pin-Ups. Gil Elvgren: The Complete Pin-Ups. Book Review. I just started off reading this article publication. Sure, it is actually. Thank you very much for downloading bernard of hollywood pin ups guide to pin . Guide To Pin-Up Photography (Evergreen Series) in pdf upcoming, in that.

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    Moreover, Wharton's description of generations-old New York families taking offense at the painting's blatant display in a public room of the house is used as a sign of the Beaufort's "vulgar" bourgeois tastes, unrefined by old-money modesty, which are exposed in their pa- tronage of such a fashionably naughty contemporary work - exposing in turn the designations of class that both the Industrial Revolution and the pin-up would problematize.

    She also draws stronger parallels between the pin-up's defining conflation of "high" and "low" cultures and consumption practices in the nineteenth century. In this period, she argues, photographic and illustrated prints in Europe and the United States reflected more than just the expanding spectrum of what both "art" and "class" meant in Western society; they also re- flected a new spectrum of sexual moralities between earlier binaries as well as the establishment of a "fully evolved commodity culture" that often blurred the lines between the classes.

    Solomon- Godeau asserts: "Once this equivalence was secured, at a historical moment already consumed by the Baudelairean 'cult of im- ages,' it was at least doubly determined that the distinctive forms of modern mass consumer culture would adapt the image of feminine desirability as its most powerful icon. Solomon-Godeau defines the resulting genre as "an image type that could be relatively deluxe or relatively crude, but in either case was predicated on the relative isolation of its feminine motif through the reduction or outright elimination of narrative, literary, or mythological allusion The pin-up girl is a specific erotic phenomenon, both as to form and function.

    From its birth as a representational genre, the pin- up has served as an image that pointedly eliminates the explicit representation of a sexual act by both eliminating the presence of men and, generally, other women and strategically covering the genital area of the female subject. The pin- up is a genre associated with mass reproduction, distribution, and consump- tion, meant for at least limited visibility to more than one viewer. As 12 Introduction an image where explicitly contemporary femininity and implicit sexu- ality are both synthesized and intended for wide circulation and public display, the pin-up itself is an interesting paradox.

    It represents a space in which a self-possessed female sexuality is not only imaged but also deemed appropriate for exhibition. Yet Western mores have, since the rise of the pin-up, preserved the subject and display of self-aware, con- temporary female sexuality as one for consumption that is private and guarded, if not downright threatening and therefore taboo. Is it pos- sible, then, that the very representation of female sexuality can be in- terpreted not only as subordinate to oppressive cultural mores but also as potentially subversive?

    In much the same way that Judith Butler has argued that drag cross- dressing can mime, rework, and resignify the external signs and stability of gender ideals, so too will we see the pin-up mime, rework, and resig- nify the signs and stability of specifically female sexual ideals.

    However, paralleling Brian McNair's ap- praisal of women's authorship in postmodern pornography, this book finds within the pin-up genre's entire history women assimilating this visual language largely constructed by men, but "adapting and stretching it to accommodate an expanded range of subversive meanings and mes- sages.

    Moreover, by using this popular signifier for desirable woman- hood toward a feminist expression of subversive sexual agency, I will explore the ways in which these pin-ups not only image and provoke desire but also, by penetrating and influencing the cultures of fashion and consumption, succeed in the feminist aim of changing the rigid, patriarchal terms by which desire has historically been framed.

    Lord calls "an unruly force that promises to unsettle social conventions, and.. This, however, has not happened without incident. As a movement dedicated to upending limitations on and stereotypes of women, the issue of sexuality has proven itself an extremely divisive one within feminism.

    The most obvious problem with representing sexuality is the fact that sexualized representations of women have - like female sexu- ality itself-historically been used to limit women's growth and op- portunities as nonsexual beings.

    This makes it tempting for any repre- sentation of female sexuality to be read as symbolic of women's sexual oppression. However, this reaction neglects another, more nuanced fact of women's history, related succinctly by anthropologist Muriel Dimen: "On the one hand, since women have been traditionally een as sex ob- jects, feminism demands that society no longer focus on their erotic at- tributes, which, in turn, feminism downplays On the other hand, because women have been traditionally defined as being uninterested in sex, they have been deprived of pleasure and a sense of autonomous at- one-ness, both of which are necessary to self-esteem.

    Indeed, the paradoxical nature of the issue has forced feminist thinkers to approach feminism itself as a political paradox: not as a singular feminism but as multiple Jeminisms, which are, like sexuality itself, simultaneously individual and like the "communities" they produce , inevitably somehow common. As theo- rized by feminist scholar Donna Haraway, this organizational strategy for feminism does not deify movement-killing individualism above women's mobilization.

    Indeed, art historian Katy Deepwell has appro- priated Haraway's use of the parasite mixotricha paradoxa as a creative metaphor for feminism's growth through diversity. The pin-up in all the feminist contexts addressed here is constructed as an icon of the paradoxical that also stands for the pleasurable.

    Joanna Frueh's pin-up self-portraits, frequently published alongside her own essays and art criticism, reference the complexities of both feminist his- tory and sexuality that I hope this book helps to illuminate. The original photographs published in her book Erotic Faculties, made in col- laboration with artist Russell Dudley, depict Frueh as a fierce, midlife female whose selective, self-aware construction of the erotic intellec- tual defines the "feminist pin-up.

    A wordless, two-page layout opens to juxtapose a s pin-up play- ing card of a carefree, nude young woman on a flower-strewn swing; a formal photograph of Frueh as a child, striking a thoughtful pose, arms crossed on a table before her with a pensive, faraway look on her face; and Joanna as a grown woman, naked and with her head thrown back Difmingf Defending the "Feminist Pin-Up" 15 3: Joanna Frueh and Russell Dudley, "pin-up"layout from Erotic Fawlties, Courtesy of the artists ecstatically, reclining in a dramatic pose amid the eclectic decor of her own living room.

    The drawings must have been funny because of their nai:ve execution, but her brother wanted them. I'd sit in class some- times thinking about the pinups, which interested me far more than did Dick, Jane, and Spot.

    I didn't like Joyce's brother. His sexuality nauseated me, as if it emitted an evil odor. I sensed that he liked the pinup bodies differently than I did, that his soul-and-mind-inseparable-from-body worked on them from vio- 16 Introduction lation; for though I gave him some of the drawings, I felt dubious when I did so. His masturbation would shame the female body, whereas mine enveloped it in love. I imagined being the pinup women, but not for him. Already instructed in wanting to be what my feminist generation would fiercely cri- tique, woman as sex object.

    Already aware that afemale soul-and-mind-inseparable- from-body could perform for its own pleasure. This conversation serves as a visual diagram of Frueh's feelings on the contradictions and powers of feminism- as if to illustrate how the loving gaze of her young self had the power to ward away the violating gaze from this smiling, guileless pin-up's sexuality as the two become one in the grown-up author's pin-up self-portrait.

    Frueh's strategies ex- emplify those of feminists throughout history who have used the pin- up to simultaneously exploit and challenge its popular acceptance as a marker of unstable and multiplicitous but eminently desirable and plea- surable female sexuality.

    In her revolutionary and highly influential "Cyborg Manifesto," Har- away calls for this paradoxical image of feminism to be tempered by the sense of self-awareness with which the movement first encouraged women to approach their lives and choices.

    Haraway's call "for pleasure in the confusion of boundaries and for responsibility in their construc- tion" reflects a new way of considering the popular feminist rallying cry of "the personal is the political" that explicitly takes into account the issues of pleasure, diversity, and agency.

    However, I will begin my study by tracing this approach to the very origins of the organized feminist movement in the mid-nineteenth century- during which time the pin- up genre also first emerged. Dejmingj Deje11ding the "Feminist Pin-Up" 17 Waving, Not Drowning: On the Problematic Resiliency of Feminism Because of my choice to address this historical sweep of the feminist pin-up, rather than zero in on a single period or movement, I have also chosen to historicize the pin- up's evolution through feminism's own- an evolution historians of the modern women's movement generally address as three "waves" of feminist expression and organizing that have emerged since the late eighteenth century.

    However, because in both cultural studies and art history feminism is used almost exclusively as an ahistorical interpretive tool rather than addressed as an activist history, perhaps a brief description of these historical markers and their contem- porary significance is in order. The wave metaphor has been frequently applied to Western feminist history for its ability to simultaneously define surges in the organized women's movement around specific issues and experiences, even as it suggests the presence of differing voices, de- bates, and even generations within them.

    The first wave of feminism is by far the most nebulous, in large part because for nearly years its myriad participants were almost uniformly involved in the one battle that tended to connect them: enfranchisement in democratic societies.

    As such, feminism's first wave encompasses individuals and movements as separated by time and approach as Mary Wollstonecraft - whose A Vindication of the Rights of Woman was published in the wake of the American and French revolutions to contrast women's universal power- lessness against the self- congratulatory, democratic zeal of revolution- ary philosophers-and Simone de Beauvoir-whose groundbreaking book The Second Sex was begun shortly after French women first gained the vote in However, the first-wave period between roughly and is marked by feminist activity ebbing as women in Europe and North America sorted out the limits of enfranchisement that they had won and applied throughout these years.

    In this period feminism was also actively fought within these same cultures, a backlash against both women's gains to date and the world-upside-down that they threatened to many - a period that Shulamith Firestone would in call history's "first 18 bJtroduction counteroffensive" against the women's movement. Firestone, however, would be among the firebrands of feminism's second wave, born largely of the labor and civil rights movements of the post- World War II era, which in the s sought to take inventory of and fight against on- going sexism that voting rights alone had been clearly incapable of un- doing.

    Generally referred to, then as now, as the "women's liberation movement," feminism's second wave used strategies of the progressive movements from which its leaders sprung, similarly initiating and pass- ing equal-rights legislation -concerning everything from reproductive rights to gender-specific classified ads-as well as producing feminist memoirs, theory, and collectives that raised consciousness concerning more insidious examples of sexism ingrained and normalized in every- day life.

    While this era is often discussed as not just popularizing but institutionalizing feminism- both as an "institution" with certain com- mon goals and practices, and within institutions ranging from national governments to organized religion - the fact is that the second wave was far more diverse and contentious than it is or was generally ac- knowledged to be, leading to visible fissures from the start of this era's feminist resurgence.

    Feminists of color and working-class women called attention to the middle- to-upper-class Eurocentrism of second wave leaders, straight and lesbian feminists debated the "proper" sexual posi- tioning of the movement's members, and sex- radical and anticensorship feminists declared their right to sexual self-expression in the midst of antipornography activism.

    This expanding discourse-and the heated debates that it inspired -resulted in a diverse and increasingly individualistic feminism that, as the evolving movement both shaped and responded to postmodern theory, would by the s give way to what many have begun to both recognize and theorize as a third wave of feminism in our present day.

    Polarization, which is a theatrical representation of dif- ference, tames and binds that anxiety. However, like Henry, I also recognize a crucial problem in applying this seemingly fluid structure in our present moment of feminist history in that the "emergence of feminism's third wave seems to profoundly alter our use of the metaphor of the wave.

    Given the early mapping of 'mother' and 'daughter' onto 'second wave' and 'third wave,' the wave metaphor and the mother- daughter relationship increasingly have be- come synonymous within feminist discourse. While initially offering a generational model located outside the family, then, the wave metaphor has come to resemble the familial structure with its understanding of generations based on the human life cycle.

    Moreover, it forces women who came to the movement in the late s and early s to choose either one side or the other in this illusory divide-or worse: "As they can be understood as neither 'mothers' nor 'daughters' within feminism's imagined family structure, such feminists [fmd themselves] frequently absent from recent discourse on feminism's seemingly two 20 Introduction generations.

    The wave model respects the fluidity and resiliency of the women's movement but also respects the significance of difference and even conflict therein - which I believe many feminists who reject the wave metaphor wish to sweep under the rug in favor of a unity-just as illusory as a generation-based feminism-that threatens to prove fatal.

    Nancy Whittier has compel- lingly argued that "the presence and strength of conflicts over what it means to be a feminist and over appropriate feminist behavior and goals signify the continued vitality of the movement. A movement remains alive as long as there is struggle over its collective identity, or as long as calling oneself or one's organization 'feminist' means something. Indeed, I will argue that the pin-up itself, which has always struck a balance between tradition and transgression, makes it a useful case study for an investigation of not just feminist sexuality, but feminism itself.

    For this reason, I address feminism's various "waves" less to mark or privilege age-based feminist genera- tions so much as periodize feminism itself.

    Granted, I agree with Whit- tier's contention that "activists have long taken for granted [that] what it means to call oneself 'feminist' varies greatly over time, often leading to conflict over movement goals, values, ideology, strategy, or individual behavior. In other words, coming of political age at different times gives people different perspectives. Beside their nebulous beginning and end, they also flow into one another. Both feminists and feminism itself exist, live through, and define the third wave - an evolving, malleable present, not a fixed, generational label- which is as much built upon as it is a challenge to the waves that came before.

    We are all invested in contributing to and vigilantly look- ing out for what is made of feminist practice as the tide continues to roll. This book responds to Henry's call for "the public exposure of the differ- ences and diversity" within feminism's history, in the hopes that in pre- senting feminism-past and present-"as contested ground, it appears both alive and lively, open and eager for a new generation to engage with it.

    I hope that my choice of the popular pin-up will encourage this discourse as it relates to both activist and academic feminists, popular and privileged imagery, across not only generations but also cultures and classes. In chapter 1, I investigate the origins of the popular pin-up genre alongside the concurrent invention and popularization of photography as well as the emergence of both a rapidly growing middle class and an organized feminist movement in industrialized nations during the 22 Introduction mid- nineteenth century.

    This period's shifting ideals of female sexu- ality were literally embodied by female stage performers, whose ordi- narily taboo expression of the female sexual agency and self-awareness many contemporary feminists were promoting was viewed as accept- able under the rubric of burlesque theatricals-which, like photogra- phy, were becoming increasingly popular among both male and female bourgeois patrons.

    I will address the ways in which, by juxtaposing and manipulating these concurrent trends in bourgeois culture, female bur- lesque performers used photography both to invent the pin-up girl and to imbue the genre with the same subversive, expressive sexuality that period feminists would increasingly view as an essential part of modern women's emancipation. Chapter 2 tracks the pin-up's move into the twentieth century, dur- ing which time- reflecting the chaotic climate of fin de siecle culture -the genre grew to add an emerging feminist model known as the New Woman to a slowly growing cast of popular images of sexual- ized womanhood.

    As embodied by Charles Dana Gibson's illustrated "Gibson Girl" pin-ups, the New Woman, like the burlesque pin-up that preceded her, was a paradoxical, modern sexual ideal- however, unlike her clearly transgressive burlesque predecessors, the subversive edges of both the New Woman's feminism and sexuality were tempered by her familiarity.

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    Like the feminist movement itself, the frightening openness of the New Woman was precisely her appeal: she might be native or immigrant, working- or upper-class, bride or "bachelor girl;' even-as demonstrated in the photography of Frances Benjamin Johnston mod- eled after Gibson's illustrated types-straight or lesbian.

    One thing that the New Woman always was, however, was Anglo, and this chapter addresses the limits of celebrating this era of rapidly changing roles for women- in both their personal and professional lives- by draw- ing attention to the ways in which progressive views concerning femi- nist sexuality did not extend to either "Oriental" or African Ameri- can women.

    Indeed, even white actresses - the presumed decadence of their profession thrown into high relief next to the well-scrubbed New Woman -were generally lumped into this period's "Othering" of certain female sexualities as feminist self-expression became more and more acceptably bourgeois.

    While this period is marked by new activism in the form of well- organized and even violent suffrage protests, chapter 3 explores how the increasingly public and demanding feminist movement would also find it prudent to counter its radical new image by holding up popular female stage performers as icons of the movement. In these years the success and independence, even the eccentricities and sex appeal we see in the popu- lar pin- up imagery of actresses such as Sarah Bernhardt and Ethel Barry- more - marveled at and admired by legions of fans across cultures and classes - were held up by suffragists as models of the myriad freedoms that enfranchisement would offer women.

    In this period, suffragists also came to appreciate theatricality itself as an activist strategy, and younger suffragists would embrace the self- consciously stylish image and perfor- mative feminism of the actress as tools through which suffrage protests might be turned into persuasive "parades. Indeed, the "fashionable feminist" that emerged in the years brack- eting the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in the United States would be so popular as to provide the country's rapidly growing movie industry with a convenient symbol for the very type of transgressive, modern female characters on which the young industry's fortunes would be built.

    Whether in the form of serial daredevils, adventurous heiresses, or what the cinema scholar Lori Landay calls the "kinaesthetic" flap- per, Hollywood recognized that women whose behavior pushed bound- aries of traditional femininity guaranteed a box- office blitz. In addition to creating female characters to whom the period's overwhelmingly female audiences could both relate and aspire, the movie industry dis- covered that using the socially progressive language of the women's movement lent a political or educational "moral" to their otherwise sensationalist films.

    Perhaps unsurprisingly, in these years the domi- nant organizations of the American suffrage movement created their own popular films- built around real-life causes fought for by the films' fictional heroines-to exploit the industry's own exploitation of the 24 Introduction movement.

    In the midst of this revolution in popular culture, the film "fanzine" was born to report upon, analyze, and promote cinema and the modern culture that it championed, primarily to the young women whose lifestyles it allegedly reflected and whose pocketbooks were fi- nancing the burgeoning industry. Chapter 4 addresses the ways in which pin- ups presented in fanzines like Photoplay around the years of late woman suffrage give us a clear sense of how the turn-of-the-century New Woman evolved through its construction, reception, and emula- tion in a fum culture much invested in feminist culture.

    Alas, as the sensational modern woman depicted in Hollywood films gave rise to the creation and enforcement of the movie industry's Hays Code in the early s, industry efforts to avoid the ire of censors would tame her into submission.

    The demise of these early feminist models in the cinema also reflected the period's overwhelming anti- feminist backlash after the successes of the international suffrage move- ment took away the single rallying point of organized feminist activism, and the economic depression that affected most of the nations affected by suffrage encouraged a dim view of women who agitated for gen- der equality when many argued more pressing problems needed to take priority.

    However, when "pressed" further by the unique cultural chal- lenges arising from America's involvement in World War II, the pin- up once again came to idealize a subversive model of female sexuality with its explosive popularity during the war.

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    Focusing on the phenome- non of illustrator Alberto Vargas's "Varga Girl," chapter 5 addresses his pin- ups as exemplary of the period's feminine ideals. The Varga Girl presented the American public with a heretofore unheard of combi- nation of conventional beauty, blatant sexuality, professional indepen- dence, and wholesome patriotism that resembled the similar, contradic- tory cocktail of attributes cultivated by young women of the period.

    With the entire country focused on even pandering to youth as their strength and stamina were needed to lead the country into war, young Americans' fascination with the pin-up became the country's, and the Varga Girl a subversive icon for the sweeping changes in gender roles and sexual mores that developed during World War II.

    Such developments toward the creation of a feminist ideal embraced by popular culture would rapidly change at the war's end. However-as Friedan's own life as a mother, wife, journalist, and activist demonstrated-many women circumvented antifeminist post- war ideals in ways that would logically evolve into the full-blown sec- ond wave of the women's movement in the s.

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    In chapter 6 I track ways in which the pin-up genre reflected these changes in ways both subtle and explicit, and to audiences both underground and popular. In- deed, with the pin-up's increasing absorption for analysis by both the burgeoning civil- rights movement and the art-world avant-garde of the postwar era, the political meanings of the pin-up, so covert in previous generations, were acknowledged and amplified.

    These countercultural movements' approaching the pin-up as a subject of their progressive, yet critical view of the role of beauty and sexuality in contemporary cul- ture gave license to pop artists, who would begin to recycle the image of the now nostalgic pin- up with meanings that fit the period's heady climate of political, cultural, and sexual revolution. Because the pin-up is always a sexualized woman whose image is not only mass-reproduced, but mass-reproduced because intended for wide display, the genre is an interesting barometer for Western cul- tural responses to women's sexuality in popular arts since the Indus- trial Revolution, as well as feminist responses to the same.

    Indeed, the pin-up seems an excellent place to track the history of both heated dis- agreements and remarkable similarities within and between feminist generations precisely because of its longevity, prominence, and mixed meanings in pop culture since the rise of the feminist movement. When feminist history is viewed through the lens of the popular pin-up, what emerges is a picture of the myriad ways in which women have defined, politicized, and represented their own sexuality in the public eye.

    Women are no longer to be considered little tootsey wootseys who have nothing to do but look pretty. They are determined to take an active part in the community and look pretty too.

    Feminist activists and scholars have long tangled with the issue of whether images liberate women from or enforce tra- ditional patriarchal notions of female sexuality.

    From Laura Mulvey's psychoanalytical construction of the "masculine gaze" to Andrea Dwor- kin and Catharine MacKinnon's longstanding appeals to broaden both cultural and legal definitions of pornography, there is a wide and influ- ential range of contemporary feminist discourse on the ways in which women are manipulated and victimized through various cultural rep- resentations.

    These have led to a popular stereotype of the "feminist view" if there ever were such a monolith of the sexualized woman as a consistently negative one. However, the history and evolution of the women's movement problematizes this stereotype, as women have ac- tively demanded the right to act as free and discerning sexual subjects even as they may be interpreted or serve as another's object of desire. As the decades that yawn between the statements of Lydia Commander and Salt 'n' Pepa demonstrate, this position has been complicated and consistent in modern women's history.

    As bell hooks puts this conundrum: It has been a far more difficult task for women to envision new sexual paradigms, to change the norms of sexuality. Contemporary artists as varied as Judy Chicago and Renee Cox, Cindy Sherman and Lisa Yuskavage have appropriated icons, objects, and stereotypes that speak to traditions of representing women as sexual creatures. However, all these artists effectively subvert these methods and image types to assert the pleasure and power feminist women may find in them - a clever bait- and- switch process perhaps best described by art historian Kate Linker as "seduce, then intercept.

    Historical constructions of female sexuality in both the art world and popular culture have frequently represented womanhood according to patriarchal myths that feminism has sought to deny. Yet many feminist constructs of female sexuality- in a desire to depart from sexist constructs - have resulted in a visual language pointedly hostile to both sexual desire and women for whom a radical denial of traditional feminine signifiers is itself oppressive.

    Surely echoing the frustration of many feminists in this position, artist Barbara Kruger asks: On the other, the genre also has a history of representing and accepting seemingly contradictory elements- tra- ditional as well as transgressive female sexualities- by imaging ordi- narily taboo behaviors in a fashion acceptable to mass cultural con- sumption and display. While many pin-ups are indeed silly caricatures of women that mean to construct their humiliation and passivity as turn- ens, the genre has also represented the sexualized woman as self- aware, assertive, strong, and independent.

    As such, it should come as no sur- prise that in their search for a mediating image between the roles of sub- ject and obj ect, and the languages of transgression and tradition, many contemporary feminist artists have looked to this genre as a mode of self-expression.

    That which is affixed to a board or wall for scrutiny or perusal; specifically, a clipping or photograph, usually of an attractive young woman.

    Designating a photograph, clipping, or drawing used in this manner, or a person who models such picture. According to the recent Webster's definition- little- changed since it first appeared in the dictionary in the pin-up is an image of an indi- vidual meant for display and concentrated observation. Implied in the dictionary's almost humorously formal description is that the image also generally represents a woman as the subject of such public "scrutiny.

    Pin-up connoisseur Mark Gabor locates the genre's origins along- ide the development of Western print media in the fifteenth century. Gabor astutely locates the pin-up's ori- gins in the proliferation of popular prints, through which the genre's traditional distinction from the realm of the fine arts is articulated and which made it accessible to lower-to-middle-class audiences. But these "pin-ups" from the fifteenth to the early nineteenth century generally lack the contemporaneity, ubiquity, and display-worthy modesty that define the modern genre.

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    It would not be until the Industrial Revo- lution - with its explosion of mass-reproductive print technology and the rise of a formidable middle class in America and Europe to pur- chase them - that a "true" pin-up genre would emerge to both nego- tiate a space for itself between the fine and popular arts and define itself through the representation of a pointedly contemporary female sexuality.

    Writer and cultural historian Casey Finch has observed that as the near- obsessive representation of the solitary female in European paint- ing of the nineteenth century rose in visibility and popularity, so too did technological developments in print media, allowing such works to be reproduced and distributed widely and cheaply.

    As these fine- art images came to be copied, circulated, and popularized in prints and illustrations, the easily obtained knock-offs became the ideal for what would become the pin-up genre. Moreover, Wharton's description of generations-old New York families taking offense at the painting's blatant display in a public room of the house is used as a sign of the Beaufort's "vulgar" bourgeois tastes, unrefined by old-money modesty, which are exposed in their pa- tronage of such a fashionably naughty contemporary work - exposing in turn the designations of class that both the Industrial Revolution and the pin-up would problematize.

    She also draws stronger parallels between the pin-up's defining conflation of "high" and "low" cultures and consumption practices in the nineteenth century. In this period, she argues, photographic and illustrated prints in Europe and the United States reflected more than just the expanding spectrum of what both "art" and "class" meant in Western society; they also re- flected a new spectrum of sexual moralities between earlier binaries as well as the establishment of a "fully evolved commodity culture" that often blurred the lines between the classes.

    Solomon- Godeau asserts: Solomon-Godeau defines the resulting genre as "an image type that could be relatively deluxe or relatively crude, but in either case was predicated on the relative isolation of its feminine motif through the reduction or outright elimination of narrative, literary, or mythological allusion The pin-up girl is a specific erotic phenomenon, both as to form and function.

    From its birth as a representational genre, the pin- up has served as an image that pointedly eliminates the explicit representation of a sexual act by both eliminating the presence of men and, generally, other women and strategically covering the genital area of the female subject. The pin- up is a genre associated with mass reproduction, distribution, and consump- tion, meant for at least limited visibility to more than one viewer.

    It represents a space in which a self-possessed female sexuality is not only imaged but also deemed appropriate for exhibition.

    Yet Western mores have, since the rise of the pin-up, preserved the subject and display of self-aware, con- temporary female sexuality as one for consumption that is private and guarded, if not downright threatening and therefore taboo. Is it pos- sible, then, that the very representation of female sexuality can be in- terpreted not only as subordinate to oppressive cultural mores but also as potentially subversive?

    In much the same way that Judith Butler has argued that drag cross- dressing can mime, rework, and resignify the external signs and stability of gender ideals, so too will we see the pin-up mime, rework, and resig- nify the signs and stability of specifically female sexual ideals. However, paralleling Brian McNair's ap- praisal of women's authorship in postmodern pornography, this book finds within the pin-up genre's entire history women assimilating this visual language largely constructed by men, but "adapting and stretching it to accommodate an expanded range of subversive meanings and mes- sages.

    Moreover, by using this popular signifier for desirable woman- hood toward a feminist expression of subversive sexual agency, I will explore the ways in which these pin-ups not only image and provoke desire but also, by penetrating and influencing the cultures of fashion and consumption, succeed in the feminist aim of changing the rigid, patriarchal terms by which desire has historically been framed.

    The History, Evolution, and Persistence of Feminist Sexuality In recent years, many feminists have viewed explicit pornographic im- agery as what M. Lord calls "an unruly force that promises to unsettle social conventions, and..

    This, however, has not happened without incident. As a movement dedicated to upending limitations on and stereotypes of women, the issue of sexuality has proven itself an extremely divisive one within feminism. The most obvious problem with representing sexuality is the fact that sexualized representations of women have - like female sexu- ality itself-historically been used to limit women's growth and op- portunities as nonsexual beings.

    This makes it tempting for any repre- sentation of female sexuality to be read as symbolic of women's sexual oppression.

    However, this reaction neglects another, more nuanced fact of women's history, related succinctly by anthropologist Muriel Dimen: On the other hand, because women have been traditionally defined as being uninterested in sex, they have been deprived of pleasure and a sense of autonomous at- one-ness, both of which are necessary to self-esteem. Indeed, the paradoxical nature of the issue has forced feminist thinkers to approach feminism itself as a political paradox: As theo- rized by feminist scholar Donna Haraway, this organizational strategy for feminism does not deify movement-killing individualism above women's mobilization.

    Indeed, art historian Katy Deepwell has appro- priated Haraway's use of the parasite mixotricha paradoxa as a creative metaphor for feminism's growth through diversity. The pin-up in all the feminist contexts addressed here is constructed as an icon of the paradoxical that also stands for the pleasurable. Joanna Frueh's pin-up self-portraits, frequently published alongside her own essays and art criticism, reference the complexities of both feminist his- tory and sexuality that I hope this book helps to illuminate.

    The original photographs published in her book Erotic Faculties, made in col- laboration with artist Russell Dudley, depict Frueh as a fierce, midlife female whose selective, self-aware construction of the erotic intellec- tual defines the "feminist pin-up. Joanna Frueh and Russell Dudley, "pin-up"layout from Erotic Fawlties, Courtesy of the artists ecstatically, reclining in a dramatic pose amid the eclectic decor of her own living room.

    Buildi11g the Body cif Love, Frueh may have revealed the biographical connection between these seemingly unconnected images when she wrote of her memories of the first grade: I drew pictures of pinups from a deck of playing cards owned by the older brother of my friend Joyce. The drawings must have been funny because of their nai: I'd sit in class some- times thinking about the pinups, which interested me far more than did Dick, Jane, and Spot.

    I didn't like Joyce's brother. His sexuality nauseated me, as if it emitted an evil odor. His masturbation would shame the female body, whereas mine enveloped it in love. I imagined being the pinup women, but not for him. Already instructed in wanting to be what my feminist generation would fiercely cri- tique, woman as sex object.

    Already aware that afemale soul-and-mind-inseparable- from-body could perform for its own pleasure. This conversation serves as a visual diagram of Frueh's feelings on the contradictions and powers of feminism- as if to illustrate how the loving gaze of her young self had the power to ward away the violating gaze from this smiling, guileless pin-up's sexuality as the two become one in the grown-up author's pin-up self-portrait.

    Frueh's strategies ex- emplify those of feminists throughout history who have used the pin- up to simultaneously exploit and challenge its popular acceptance as a marker of unstable and multiplicitous but eminently desirable and plea- surable female sexuality.

    In her revolutionary and highly influential "Cyborg Manifesto," Har- away calls for this paradoxical image of feminism to be tempered by the sense of self-awareness with which the movement first encouraged women to approach their lives and choices. Haraway's call "for pleasure in the confusion of boundaries and for responsibility in their construc- tion" reflects a new way of considering the popular feminist rallying cry of "the personal is the political" that explicitly takes into account the issues of pleasure, diversity, and agency.

    However, I will begin my study by tracing this approach to the very origins of the organized feminist movement in the mid-nineteenth century- during which time the pin- up genre also first emerged.

    On the Problematic Resiliency of Feminism Because of my choice to address this historical sweep of the feminist pin-up, rather than zero in on a single period or movement, I have also chosen to historicize the pin- up's evolution through feminism's own- an evolution historians of the modern women's movement generally address as three "waves" of feminist expression and organizing that have emerged since the late eighteenth century.

    However, because in both cultural studies and art history feminism is used almost exclusively as an ahistorical interpretive tool rather than addressed as an activist history, perhaps a brief description of these historical markers and their contem- porary significance is in order. The wave metaphor has been frequently applied to Western feminist history for its ability to simultaneously define surges in the organized women's movement around specific issues and experiences, even as it suggests the presence of differing voices, de- bates, and even generations within them.

    The first wave of feminism is by far the most nebulous, in large part because for nearly years its myriad participants were almost uniformly involved in the one battle that tended to connect them: As such, feminism's first wave encompasses individuals and movements as separated by time and approach as Mary Wollstonecraft - whose A Vindication of the Rights of Woman was published in the wake of the American and French revolutions to contrast women's universal power- lessness against the self- congratulatory, democratic zeal of revolution- ary philosophers-and Simone de Beauvoir-whose groundbreaking book The Second Sex was begun shortly after French women first gained the vote in However, the first-wave period between roughly and is marked by feminist activity ebbing as women in Europe and North America sorted out the limits of enfranchisement that they had won and applied throughout these years.

    Firestone, however, would be among the firebrands of feminism's second wave, born largely of the labor and civil rights movements of the post- World War II era, which in the s sought to take inventory of and fight against on- going sexism that voting rights alone had been clearly incapable of un- doing. Generally referred to, then as now, as the "women's liberation movement," feminism's second wave used strategies of the progressive movements from which its leaders sprung, similarly initiating and pass- ing equal-rights legislation -concerning everything from reproductive rights to gender-specific classified ads-as well as producing feminist memoirs, theory, and collectives that raised consciousness concerning more insidious examples of sexism ingrained and normalized in every- day life.

    While this era is often discussed as not just popularizing but institutionalizing feminism- both as an "institution" with certain com- mon goals and practices, and within institutions ranging from national governments to organized religion - the fact is that the second wave was far more diverse and contentious than it is or was generally ac- knowledged to be, leading to visible fissures from the start of this era's feminist resurgence.

    Feminists of color and working-class women called attention to the middle- to-upper-class Eurocentrism of second wave leaders, straight and lesbian feminists debated the "proper" sexual posi- tioning of the movement's members, and sex- radical and anticensorship feminists declared their right to sexual self-expression in the midst of antipornography activism.

    This expanding discourse-and the heated debates that it inspired -resulted in a diverse and increasingly individualistic feminism that, as the evolving movement both shaped and responded to postmodern theory, would by the s give way to what many have begun to both recognize and theorize as a third wave of feminism in our present day.

    Polarization, which is a theatrical representation of dif- ference, tames and binds that anxiety. However, like Henry, I also recognize a crucial problem in applying this seemingly fluid structure in our present moment of feminist history in that the "emergence of feminism's third wave seems to profoundly alter our use of the metaphor of the wave.

    Given the early mapping of 'mother' and 'daughter' onto 'second wave' and 'third wave,' the wave metaphor and the mother- daughter relationship increasingly have be- come synonymous within feminist discourse. While initially offering a generational model located outside the family, then, the wave metaphor has come to resemble the familial structure with its understanding of generations based on the human life cycle.

    Moreover, it forces women who came to the movement in the late s and early s to choose either one side or the other in this illusory divide-or worse: While most debates on the issue posit "senior," second-wave feminists against their 'juniors" in the third wave, in reality "most feminists find themselves to be both a senior and a junior at the same time.

    The wave model respects the fluidity and resiliency of the women's movement but also respects the significance of difference and even conflict therein - which I believe many feminists who reject the wave metaphor wish to sweep under the rug in favor of a unity-just as illusory as a generation-based feminism-that threatens to prove fatal.

    Nancy Whittier has compel- lingly argued that "the presence and strength of conflicts over what it means to be a feminist and over appropriate feminist behavior and goals signify the continued vitality of the movement. A movement remains alive as long as there is struggle over its collective identity, or as long as calling oneself or one's organization 'feminist' means something.

    Indeed, I will argue that the pin-up itself, which has always struck a balance between tradition and transgression, makes it a useful case study for an investigation of not just feminist sexuality, but feminism itself. For this reason, I address feminism's various "waves" less to mark or privilege age-based feminist genera- tions so much as periodize feminism itself.

    Granted, I agree with Whit- tier's contention that "activists have long taken for granted [that] what it means to call oneself 'feminist' varies greatly over time, often leading to conflict over movement goals, values, ideology, strategy, or individual behavior. In other words, coming of political age at different times gives people different perspectives. Beside their nebulous beginning and end, they also flow into one another. Both feminists and feminism itself exist, live through, and define the third wave - an evolving, malleable present, not a fixed, generational label- which is as much built upon as it is a challenge to the waves that came before.

    We are all invested in contributing to and vigilantly look- ing out for what is made of feminist practice as the tide continues to roll.

    This book responds to Henry's call for "the public exposure of the differ- ences and diversity" within feminism's history, in the hopes that in pre- senting feminism-past and present-"as contested ground, it appears both alive and lively, open and eager for a new generation to engage with it. I hope that my choice of the popular pin-up will encourage this discourse as it relates to both activist and academic feminists, popular and privileged imagery, across not only generations but also cultures and classes.

    This period's shifting ideals of female sexu- ality were literally embodied by female stage performers, whose ordi- narily taboo expression of the female sexual agency and self-awareness many contemporary feminists were promoting was viewed as accept- able under the rubric of burlesque theatricals-which, like photogra- phy, were becoming increasingly popular among both male and female bourgeois patrons.

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